Gabon et Corruption: Le Gabon "inclassable" dans le rapport 1998 de Transparency International.

Notre analyse

Dans un rapport publié en 1998 par Transparency International, le Gabon n'apparaît pas parmi les 85 pays les moins corrompus au monde. Puisque l'indice de corruption de Transparency International mesure le taux de corruption dans chacun des pays explorés, le fait que le Gabon n'apparaisse pas sur les 85 pays comptabilisés montre que notre pays est tellement corrompu qu'il n'a pas pu se classer parmi les heureux élus.

Dans le tableau mondial ci-dessous, il est à noter qu'un taux de 10 veut dire que le pays en question ne connaît pratiquement pas de corruption, alors qu'un taux de 0 (zéro) veut dire que le pays est vraiment malade et qu'il a besoin d'un véritable traitement de choc. Il va sans dire que pour les économistes, la corruption nuit énormément aux économies qui la subissent car elle ne leur permet de se développer proprement. Le tout dernier pays classé sur ce tableau est le Cameroun (85e) dont le score est de 1.4, donc très près du zéro.

Le fait que le Gabon ait été incapable de se classer parmi ces 85 pays montre bien que notre pays est au plus mal et que le système Bongo ne fait montre d'aucune transparence puisque tout se traite au Gabon par pots-de-vins et clientélisme. A cause de cela, aucun businessman n'aura pu classer le Gabon comme pays où il fait bon investir. Pour pouvoir faire des affaires au Gabon, il faut nécessairement "mouiller la barbe", du plus bas de l'échelle au plus haut (suivez notre regard).

La plus grosse honte vient du fait que des pays comme le Nigeria, le Ghana ou le Cameroun, que l'on croyait plus corrompus que le Gabon, sont arrivés à se faire classer, alors que notre pays, plus riche, aurait du s'épargner une telle débâcle honteuse.

Conclusions générales

1) En plus du manque de transparence politique, il n'y a aucune transparence économique ou sociale au Gabon

2) Il n'y pas d'état de droit au Gabon puisque c'est la jungle économique qui y règne, la loi n'y étant jamais respectée.

3) Le pays navigue économiquement à vue, les dirigeants préférant s'enrichir personnellement. Conséquence, du plus petit policier qui arrête arbitrairement le taxi-man dans la rue pour lui soutirer 1000 F CFA, au président de la République, chacun se remplit les poches au détriment d'une économie qui finit par en souffrir, condamnant ainsi la population à la misère quasi-totale.

Conclusion du BDP

Pour pouvoir assainir l'économie gabonaise, la solution, entre autres, passe forcément par une suppression de tout le système Bongo et la construction d'un véritable état de droit qui garantirait une transparence nécessaire au bien-être socio-économique de notre peuple. Selon le vice-président de Transparency International, "La capacité d'une majorité des pays en voie de développement et de certains pays d'Europe centrale et orientale à établir une démocratie durable, à alléger la pauvreté et la souffrance humaine, à consolider l'investissement et le commerce passe nécessairement par la suppression de la corruption". Cependant, tandis que la corruption devrait être le fait des pays les plus pauvres, il semble que le Gabon, avec sa richesse, ait développé un système tellement corrompu qu'il représente probablement un cas unique en son genre. A titre d'exemple, le Botswana (23e, score: 6,1), qui a le deuxième revenu par habitant d'Afrique noire après le Gabon, est le pays le moins corrompu d'Afrique et arrive même à se classer très près de pays développés tels la France (21e, score: 6,7)et le Portugal (22e, score: 6,5). Le Botswana obtient même un meilleur score que le Japon (25e, score 5,8) et se classe à la même place que l'Espagne (23e ex., score: 6.1).

L'on notera donc ainsi que quelques pays africains ne s'en sortent pas trop mal. A titre d'exemple, le palmarès des pays les moins corrompus en Afrique ( élaboré par nos soins sur la base du tableau international) classe nos pays comme suit (le Gabon étant inclassable, on ne l'y retrouve pas):

Palmarès africain des pays les moins corrompus (Voir palmarès international ICI).

1) Botswana (23e rang mondial)

2) Namibie (29e rang mondial)

3) Afrique du Sud (32e)

4) Tunisie (33e)

5) Zimbabwe (43e)

6) Malawi (45e)

7) Maroc (50e)

8) Zambie (52)e

9) Ghana (55e)

10) Sénégal (55e ex.)

11) Côte d'Ivoire (59e)

12) Egypte (66e)

13) Ouganda (73e)

14) Kenya (74e)

15) Nigeria (81e)

16) Tanzanie (81e ex.)

17) Cameroun (85e)

Mais où est donc le Gabon d'Omar Bongo??!!!

Voilà pourquoi Bongo doit partir.

Notes

1998 CPI Score

... relates to perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people, risk analysts and the general public and ranges between 10 (highly clean) and 0 (highly corrupt).

Surveys Used

... refers to the number of surveys that assessed a country's performance. 12 surveys were used and at least 3 surveys were required for a country to be included into the 1998 CPI.

Standard Deviation

... indicates differences in the values of the sources: the greater the standard deviation, the greater the differences of perceptions of a country among the sources.

TI Press Release: 1998 Corruption Perceptions Index

Transparency International Ranks 85 Countries in Largest Ever Corruption Perceptions Index

Berlin, 22 September 1998

Transparency International (TI) today publishes its 1998 Corruption Perceptions Index. This is the most comprehensive index of perceptions of corruption ever published by the global anti-corruption organisation, ranking 85 countries.

The Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) is a "poll of polls" drawing upon numerous distinct surveys of expert and general public views of the extent of corruption in many countries around the world. "The 1998 CPI is a wake-up call to political leaders and to the public at large to confront the abundant corruption that pervades so many countries," said Dr Peter Eigen, Chairman of TI.

He added: "We hope that the publication of the CPI will be an incentive to governments to confront the corruption in their countries. The poor scores received by many countries in the new index illustrates just how serious the global cancer of corruption really is. This has to change."

Mr Eigen noted that, "directly confronting corruption must be a top priority for most national governments and the international organisations concerned with development, economic growth and human progress. The 1998 Transparency International CPI covers 85 countries with the ones seen as having the least corruption obtaining scores of close to 10. Scandalously and sadly there are about 50 countries that do not even achieve a score of 5, and there are numerous countries with a score of less than 3."

TI Vice Chairman Frank Vogl pointed out: "The CPI scores, with their shocking portrayal of so many countries perceived to be home to rampant corruption, will spur Transparency International to be even more aggressive in mobilising initiatives to counter corruption world-wide. Securing democracy, alleviating poverty and human suffering, and sustaining investment and commerce, are inextricably dependent upon curbing corruption in most of the developing nations and across Central and Eastern Europe."

"Our ability to include more countries in the CPI than ever before will ensure that the public discussion of corruption will become even more widespread. Governments that have sought to brush this debate aside can no longer do so, as the whole world sees how their nations rank," said Mr. Eigen.

While the CPI covers a record of more than 80 countries, TI stressed that there are numerous countries not included because there is insufficient reliable data available. "It would be wrong for the press to run a headline declaring any country in the CPI as the most corrupt in the world, because we do not have data on all countries," said Dr. Johann Graf Lambsdorff of Göttingen University, Germany, who is the lead expert advising TI on the compilation of the CPI. "It must also be stressed that this is an index of perceptions of corruption," he added.

"The 1998 CPI shows that corruption is by no means perceived to be a plague confined to the developing countries. Numerous countries in transition in Central and Eastern Europe have very low rankings, while a number of leading industrial countries have scores that highlight the serious corruption problems that they must address," said Peter Eigen.

He stressed that the governments of the industrial countries "have a double responsibility - they must clean up their own houses, and they must forthrightly act to prevent their corporations from paying bribes around the world. These governments must now move with speed to enact domestic anti-corruption legislation to give effect to the Anti-Corruption Convention signed last December by the 29 members of the OECD (the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development) and five additional countries."

The Impact of the CPI

TI noted that since its inception in 1995, the CPI has served the constructive purpose of stimulating public debate about corruption. In some countries it has also led to substantive anti-corruption reform. It needs to be emphasised, though, that it can take some time for these actions to influence international perceptions, and be consequently reflected in the CPI.

"Many of the world's poorest nations are perceived to be among the most corrupt," noted Mr. Eigen. "The CPI helps to draw attention to this link and it represents a challenge to leading foreign aid granting agencies to make fighting corruption a key priority. We are delighted that an increasing number of these agencies now see the CPI as a valuable tool and are evolving constructive anti-corruption strategies for developing nations."

In the last three years many leading international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Council of Europe, the European Union, the Organisation of American States, the OECD and the Global Coalition for Africa have articulated anti-corruption policies, often with TI involvement.

The annual CPI sensitises public opinion world-wide to the corruption issue, influences the policies of major aid agencies and is a factor in the foreign investment decisions of multinational corporations.

The methodology of the CPI

TI has recently been reviewing the impact of the CPI and ways to improve the application of surveys to raise public understanding of corruption. The methodology was discussed extensively by the members of the CPI Steering Committee. One result has been the inclusion of 85 countries this year, compared to 52 countries in 1997.

Dr Lambsdorff noted that the methods used to compile the CPI ensured that no individual subjective perspectives on individual countries entered the system." The data in the 1998 CPI may disappoint some governments, especially in countries where distinct efforts to curb corruption have been initiated. In these cases, we have to admit that the CPI may well not fully capture important recent anti-corruption actions in countries and we encourage researchers to seek additional information, to complement the CPI rankings, before drawing conclusions about corruption in individual countries. This especially applies to countries that are on the CPI for the first time and for which there is not a good base for historical comparisons.

Dr Lambsdorff noted that the 1998 CPI is the product of all data available from the key sources noted below. The data this year cannot be exactly compared with that used in previous years, but, "the sources continue to show a high degree of correlation and, thus the impact of differing samples and methodologies on the outcome appears to be small. Moreover, a strength of the CPI is that it is based on the concept that a combination of sources into a single index increases the statistical robustness of each individual figure."

CPI Sources

The sources used in the 1998 "poll of polls" to establish the new CPI include data from:

• Economist Intelligence Unit (Country Risk Service and Country Forecasts),
• Gallup International (50^th Anniversary Survey),
• Institute for Management Development (World Competitiveness Yearbook),
• Political & Economic Risk Consultancy (Asian Intelligence Issue),
• Political Risk Services (International Country Risk Guide),
• World Bank (World Development Report & Private Sector Survey), and,
• World Economic Forum & Harvard Institute for International Development (Global Competitiveness Survey)

Dr. Lambsdorff added that, "the reliability of the new data in the CPI is improved by including only countries that have been included into three polls at the minimum. A minimum of four surveys was used in 1997, but rechecking the data this year and using some historical comparisons convinced us that we had a high level of credibility by just using three surveys and by this means we could include more countries. The idea of combining data implies that a malperformance of one source can be smoothed by the inclusion of at least two other sources. This way the likelihood of misrepresenting a country is reduced."

Copyright © 1998 Transparency International & Göttingen University
This Index may be reproduced provided an acknowledgement to Transparency International and Göttingen University is given.